ترغب بنشر مسار تعليمي؟ اضغط هنا

Implementing Risk-Limiting Post-Election Audits in California

110   0   0.0 ( 0 )
 نشر من قبل Joseph Hall
 تاريخ النشر 2009
  مجال البحث الاحصاء الرياضي
والبحث باللغة English




اسأل ChatGPT حول البحث

Risk-limiting post-election audits limit the chance of certifying an electoral outcome if the outcome is not what a full hand count would show. Building on previous work, we report on pilot risk-limiting audits in four elections during 2008 in three California counties: one during the February 2008 Primary Election in Marin County and three during the November 2008 General Elections in Marin, Santa Cruz and Yolo Counties. We explain what makes an audit risk-limiting and how existing and proposed laws fall short. We discuss the differences among our four pilot audits. We identify challenges to practical, efficient risk-limiting audits and conclude that current approaches are too complex to be used routinely on a large scale. One important logistical bottleneck is the difficulty of exporting data from commercial election management systems in a format amenable to audit calculations. Finally, we propose a bare-bones risk-limiting audit that is less efficient than these pilot audits, but avoids many practical problems.

قيم البحث

اقرأ أيضاً

Risk-limiting audits (RLAs) are expected to strengthen the public confidence in the correctness of an election outcome. We hypothesize that this is not always the case, in part because for large margins between the winner and the runner-up, the numbe r of ballots to be drawn can be so small that voters lose confidence. We conduct a user study with 105 participants resident in the US. Our findings confirm the hypothesis, showing that our study participants felt less confident when they were told the number of ballots audited for RLAs. We elaborate on our findings and propose recommendations for future use of RLAs.
We examine crime patterns in Santa Monica, California before and after passage of Proposition 47, a 2014 initiative that reclassified some non-violent felonies to misdemeanors. We also study how the 2016 opening of four new light rail stations, and h ow more community-based policing starting in late 2018, impacted crime. A series of statistical analyses are performed on reclassified (larceny, fraud, possession of narcotics, forgery, receiving/possessing stolen property) and non-reclassified crimes by probing publicly available databases from 2006 to 2019. We compare data before and after passage of Proposition 47, city-wide and within eight neighborhoods. Similar analyses are conducted within a 450 meter radius of the new transit stations. Reports of monthly reclassified crimes increased city-wide by approximately 15% after enactment of Proposition 47, with a significant drop observed in late 2018. Downtown exhibited the largest overall surge. The reported incidence of larceny intensified throughout the city. Two new train stations, including Downtown, reported significant crime increases in their vicinity after service began. While the number of reported reclassified crimes increased after passage of Proposition 47, those not affected by the new law decreased or stayed constant, suggesting that Proposition 47 strongly impacted crime in Santa Monica. Reported crimes decreased in late 2018 concurrent with the adoption of new policing measures that enhanced outreach and patrolling. These findings may be relevant to law enforcement and policy-makers. Follow-up studies needed to confirm long-term trends may be affected by the COVID-19 pandemic that drastically changed societal conditions.
With a majority of Yes votes in the Constitutional Referendum of 2017, Turkey continues its transition from democracy to autocracy. By the will of the Turkish people, this referendum transferred practically all executive power to president Erdogan. H owever, the referendum was confronted with a substantial number of allegations of electoral misconducts and irregularities, ranging from state coercion of No supporters to the controversial validity of unstamped ballots. In this note we report the results of an election forensic analysis of the 2017 referendum to clarify to what extent these voting irregularities were present and if they were able to influence the outcome of the referendum. We specifically apply novel statistical forensics tests to further identify the specific nature of electoral malpractices. In particular, we test whether the data contains fingerprints for ballot-stuffing (submission of multiple ballots per person during the vote) and voter rigging (coercion and intimidation of voters). Additionally, we perform tests to identify numerical anomalies in the election results. We find systematic and highly significant support for the presence of both, ballot-stuffing and voter rigging. In 6% of stations we find signs for ballot-stuffing with an error (probability of ballot-stuffing not happening) of 0.15% (3 sigma event). The influence of these vote distortions were large enough to tip the overall balance from No to a majority of Yes votes.
Anonymized smartphone-based mobility data has been widely adopted in devising and evaluating COVID-19 response strategies such as the targeting of public health resources. Yet little attention has been paid to measurement validity and demographic bia s, due in part to the lack of documentation about which users are represented as well as the challenge of obtaining ground truth data on unique visits and demographics. We illustrate how linking large-scale administrative data can enable auditing mobility data for bias in the absence of demographic information and ground truth labels. More precisely, we show that linking voter roll data -- containing individual-level voter turnout for specific voting locations along with race and age -- can facilitate the construction of rigorous bias and reliability tests. These tests illuminate a sampling bias that is particularly noteworthy in the pandemic context: older and non-white voters are less likely to be captured by mobility data. We show that allocating public health resources based on such mobility data could disproportionately harm high-risk elderly and minority groups.
Measuring the corporate default risk is broadly important in economics and finance. Quantitative methods have been developed to predictively assess future corporate default probabilities. However, as a more difficult yet crucial problem, evaluating t he uncertainties associated with the default predictions remains little explored. In this paper, we attempt to fill this blank by developing a procedure for quantifying the level of associated uncertainties upon carefully disentangling multiple contributing sources. Our framework effectively incorporates broad information from historical default data, corporates financial records, and macroeconomic conditions by a) characterizing the default mechanism, and b) capturing the future dynamics of various features contributing to the default mechanism. Our procedure overcomes the major challenges in this large scale statistical inference problem and makes it practically feasible by using parsimonious models, innovative methods, and modern computational facilities. By predicting the marketwide total number of defaults and assessing the associated uncertainties, our method can also be applied for evaluating the aggregated market credit risk level. Upon analyzing a US market data set, we demonstrate that the level of uncertainties associated with default risk assessments is indeed substantial. More informatively, we also find that the level of uncertainties associated with the default risk predictions is correlated with the level of default risks, indicating potential for new scopes in practical applications including improving the accuracy of default risk assessments.
التعليقات
جاري جلب التعليقات جاري جلب التعليقات
سجل دخول لتتمكن من متابعة معايير البحث التي قمت باختيارها
mircosoft-partner

هل ترغب بارسال اشعارات عن اخر التحديثات في شمرا-اكاديميا