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Walsh [Wal10, Wal09], Davies et al. [DKNW10, DKNW11], and Narodytska et al. [NWX11] studied various voting systems empirically and showed that they can often be manipulated effectively, despite their manipulation problems being NP-hard. Such an experimental approach is sorely missing for NP-hard control problems, where control refers to attempts to tamper with the outcome of elections by adding/deleting/partitioning either voters or candidates. We experimentally tackle NP-hard control problems for Bucklin and fallback voting. Among natural voting systems with efficient winner determination, fallback voting is currently known to display the broadest resistance to control in terms of NP-hardness, and Bucklin voting has been shown to behave almost as well in terms of control resistance [ER10, EPR11, EFPR11]. We also investigate control resistance experimentally for plurality voting, one of the first voting systems analyzed with respect to electoral control [BTT92, HHR07]. Our findings indicate that NP-hard control problems can often be solved effectively in practice. Moreover, our experiments allow a more fine-grained analysis and comparison-across various control scenarios, vote distribution models, and voting systems-than merely stating NP-hardness for all these control problems.
Electoral control models ways of changing the outcome of an election via such actions as adding/deleting/partitioning either candidates or voters. To protect elections from such control attempts, computational complexity has been investigated and the
A central theme in computational social choice is to study the extent to which voting systems computationally resist manipulative attacks seeking to influence the outcome of elections, such as manipulation (i.e., strategic voting), control, and bribe
We study sincere-strategy preference-based approval voting (SP-AV), a system proposed by Brams and Sanver [Electoral Studies, 25(2):287-305, 2006], and here adjusted so as to coerce admissibility of the votes (rather than excluding inadmissible votes
Previous work on voter control, which refers to situations where a chair seeks to change the outcome of an election by deleting, adding, or partitioning voters, takes for granted that the chair knows all the voters preferences and that all votes are
Prior work on the complexity of bribery assumes that the bribery happens simultaneously, and that the briber has full knowledge of all voters votes. But neither of those assumptions always holds. In many real-world settings, votes come in sequentiall